The highly institutionalised demarcation of domestic labour from wage labour in a context of male supremacy forms the basis for a series of powerful ideological structures which develop a forceful life of their own. They would earn enough to maintain a family. Chevillard and Leconte prefer to treat women as an oppressed class because this stresses the permanence of women's exclusion from control over the means of production; Coontz and Henderson prefer the term oppressed sex because this leaves more room for analysis of what they consider to be significant variations in the status and interests of women according to their age and marital status.
They have risen against those debts in Morocco, Argentina and Bangladesh among others. In a class society, this potential is organised to the benefit of a ruling class, which appropriates the surplus labour of a subordinate class according to some determinate set of social relations.
Two major geographical areas where extreme male domination of women is well-documented in non-state societies are Melanesia and South America. However, a high value on male aggression does not automatically or necessarily translate into male dominance, as women may achieve power under some circumstances.
Leibowitz argues that the earliest hominid cultures rested on non-gender-specific production, while later an informal sexual division of activities developed with projectile hunting and other technological inventions that led to hearth-centred activities.
But the dominance in humans of the cerebral cortex means that what we do with our biological capacities is almost entirely a matter of learning.
In any case, the cross-cultural record demonstrates more variability in the assignment of tasks, and much greater socio-political variation, than is suggested here. All this is necessary labour, and is paid for by the wage s.